The internal skeletal structure of the body is also used as a metaphor for the internal structure
of society. The word bone was used for clan among the Mongols, and the aristocracy was referred
to as White Bone to distinguish them from commoners, who were referred to as Black Bone. A
slightly different metaphor is used by the Riff of Morocco, who refer to their clan as a vein. Just as
the Mongols used a skeletal metaphor, the Riff use the metaphor of blood vessels to represent the
interconnection between the branching parts of their society. Americans use the metaphor of blood
to represent kinship. In thinking about the biological facts of conception, we can see that the sperm
from the father and the egg from the mother, which unite to form the new individual, have nothing
to do with blood. Yet Americans say that the blood of their fathers and mothers flows in their veins.
This is our symbolic way of talking about kinship.
Among the Ko’a on the island of Palu’e in Eastern Indonesia, “the body metaphor is applied
at every socio-cosmic level” (Vischer 2003: 59). The house is considered a body through which
flows the energy associated with life; the lower part of a settlement is classified as its feet and the
The Cavaliers of seventeenth-century England wore their hair long, while their Puritan opposition wore
their hair short. In this cartoon of the period, both men and their dogs are characterized by their respective
hairstyles.
94 THE TAPESTRY OF CULTURE
upper part as its head. The ceremonial mound at the center, the navel of the settlement, is associated
with growth. Body metaphors are also associated with the island itself, with the seaboard
as the feet and the volcano and mountain as the head. Since it is seen as a living body, the blood
is what rises up in the volcano, that is, the lava that eventually flows to the sea (Vischer 2003:
59). Vischer notes that “sacrificial blood is [ also] hierarchically ranked according to its potency
and efficacy as ritual agent” (2003: 56). The blood of humans, “big blood,” generally not a part of
sacrificial events, is the most potent. Water buffalo that are sacrificed also have “big blood,” the
only substance that can be used to directly contact the “Supreme Being.” Pig’s blood, which can
transform a “state of conceptual heat” harmful to people into a state of coolness, is of lesser potency
and is used in life crisis and agricultural rituals. Healer-sorcerers may use the blood of fowl
in ritual, which is of still lesser potency. Substitutions can be made, but a vegetable can never be
used as a substitute for blood, since it does not have the potency of blood.
Aho notes, “The personal body, . . . is a metaphor of the social body; orifices in particular
stand for a group’s weak spots (2002: 11). An example is the ancient Israelites whose polity was
threatened constantly by enemies. They had a whole series of taboos relating to the orifices of
members, their symbolic points of vulnerability. The dietary taboos and the need to separate from
Gentiles were ways of setting the Jews apart according to God’s edict. Circumcision was another
means of maintaining separation. The dietary laws regarding separation of different kinds of food;
preventing contamination of foods, dishes, pots, and pans; and filtering drinking water all “functioned
sociologically to maintain the solidarity of the Jewish community” (Aho 2002: 37–39).
Jesus moves Christianity in a different direction, suspending the dietary laws and circumcision
and thus reversing the metaphor so that Christians are no longer separate from other people.
Sharp illustrates some of the ways in which “the human body is a symbolically charged landscape”
in her analysis of organ transplantation (2001: 112). Organ donation and procurement, an
emotionally charged area, have generated a complex set of “symbolic renderings of the body, death
and mourning.” Once it has been determined that brain death, the point considered to be the death
of the self or the individual, has taken place, “harvesting” of the viable organs from a body still
otherwise functioning can take place if the donor’s kin have given their approval. To the transplant
specialists, the donor has become dehumanized, and his or her organs have become “sophisticated,
replaceable mechanical parts” completely separated from the identity of the donor (Sharp 2001:
115). Donated organs are not paid for at present; however, because of the shortage of such organs
the suggestion has been made that a system of payment be instituted. Even now, organs are treated
as if they were commodities, like other commercial medical goods that are bought and sold today
(such as blood, sperm, and ova). In an effort to mask this commercialization, the donor kin are
encouraged to see the transplanted organs of their loved ones as continuing to live in the bodies of
unknown recipients, a life after death, so to speak. The donated organs are seen as a “gift of life,”
and transplant personnel use various strategies to accomplish the “veiling of procurement” (Sharp
2001: 118). The identity and life history of the donor are always kept secret, as well as the circumstances
of his or her death, violent or otherwise. The message of the transplant professionals is “a
greening of the body, a form of ‘semantic message’ that foregrounds the goodness associated with
donation while simultaneously denying transplantation’s more disturbing reliance on death and
SYMBOLIC MEANINGS
النتائج (
العربية) 1:
[نسخ]نسخ!
الهيكل العظمى الداخلي للجسم يستخدم أيضا كاستعارة للهيكل الداخليمن المجتمع. عظم كلمة استخدمت لعشيرة بين المغول، وأحيل الارستقراطية"العظام البيضاء" لتمييزها عن العوام، الذين كانوا المشار إليها "أسود العظام". Aيتم استخدام استعارة مختلفة قليلاً حثالة للمغرب، الذي يشير إلى عشيرتهم كالوريد. تماما كماالمغول يستخدم استعارة الهيكل العظمى، واستخدام حثالة استعارة الأوعية الدموية لتمثيلالترابط بين الأجزاء المتفرعة من مجتمعهم. الأميركيون استخدام استعارة الدمتمثل القرابة. في التفكير بشأن الحقائق البيولوجية للحمل، يمكننا أن نرى أن الحيوانات المنويةمن البيض من الأم والأب، التي تتحد لتشكيل الفرد الجديد، ولا علاقة لهاللقيام بالدم. بعد أن الأميركيين يقولون أن تدفق الدم من الآباء والأمهات في عروقه.هذه هي طريقتنا رمزية للحديث عن القرابة.بين كوعه في جزيرة Palu'e في شرق إندونيسيا، "استعارة الجسم هو تطبيقعلى كل المستويات الاجتماعية الكونية "(فيشر 2003:59). ويعتبر مجلس النواب هيئة من خلالهاتدفقات الطاقة المرتبطة بالحياة؛ الجزء السفلي من التوصل إلى تسوية وتصنف قدميهاكليفلاند إنكلترا القرن السابع عشر وارتدى شعرهم طويلاً، بينما ارتدى معارضتهم البروتستانتيالشعر القصير. في هذه الرسوم المتحركة للفترة، وتتسم كلابهم والرجل بكل منهاتسريحات.94 نسيج الثقافةالجزء العلوي كرئيس لها. ويرتبط التلة الاحتفالية في مركز السرة للتسوية،ومع النمو. هيئة استعارات ترتبط أيضا بالجزيرة نفسها، مع الساحلكالقدمين والبراكين والجبال كالرئيس. نظراً لأنه يعتبر هيئة حية، والدمهو ما يرتفع في البركان، أن الحمم التي تتدفق في نهاية المطاف إلى البحر (فيشر 2003:59). ويلاحظ فيشر أن "دم الذبيحة [أيضا] تسلسل هرمي في المرتبة وفقا لها فاعليةوفعالية كعامل طقوس "(2003:56). دم البشر، "دماء كبيرة،" عموما ليس جزءا منأحداث الذبيحة، هو أقوى. جاموس الماء التي يتم التضحية بها كما أن "دماء كبيرة،"فقط المواد التي يمكن استخدامها للاتصال مباشرة "الكائن الأسمى". خنزير في الدم، والتي يمكن أنتحويل "في حالة الحرارة المفاهيمي" ضارة بالناس إلى حالة من رباطة جأش، هو من أقل فاعليةويستخدم في أزمة الحياة والطقوس الزراعية. يجوز استخدام المعالج السحرة دم الطيورفي الطقوس، وهو من ما زال أقل فاعلية. يمكن إجراء الاستبدالات، ولكن لا يمكن أن تكون الخضرواتتستخدم كبديل للدم، نظراً لأنها لا تملك فاعلية الدم.اهو الملاحظات، "الهيئة الشخصية،... استعارة من الجسم الاجتماعي. الفوهات وبخاصةالوقوف على نقاط الضعف في مجموعة (2002:11). على سبيل مثال هو بنو إسرائيل القديمة كان نظام الحكم الذيthreatened constantly by enemies. They had a whole series of taboos relating to the orifices ofmembers, their symbolic points of vulnerability. The dietary taboos and the need to separate fromGentiles were ways of setting the Jews apart according to God’s edict. Circumcision was anothermeans of maintaining separation. The dietary laws regarding separation of different kinds of food;preventing contamination of foods, dishes, pots, and pans; and filtering drinking water all “functionedsociologically to maintain the solidarity of the Jewish community” (Aho 2002: 37–39).Jesus moves Christianity in a different direction, suspending the dietary laws and circumcisionand thus reversing the metaphor so that Christians are no longer separate from other people.Sharp illustrates some of the ways in which “the human body is a symbolically charged landscape”in her analysis of organ transplantation (2001: 112). Organ donation and procurement, anemotionally charged area, have generated a complex set of “symbolic renderings of the body, deathand mourning.” Once it has been determined that brain death, the point considered to be the deathof the self or the individual, has taken place, “harvesting” of the viable organs from a body stillotherwise functioning can take place if the donor’s kin have given their approval. To the transplantspecialists, the donor has become dehumanized, and his or her organs have become “sophisticated,replaceable mechanical parts” completely separated from the identity of the donor (Sharp 2001:115). Donated organs are not paid for at present; however, because of the shortage of such organsthe suggestion has been made that a system of payment be instituted. Even now, organs are treatedas if they were commodities, like other commercial medical goods that are bought and sold today(such as blood, sperm, and ova). In an effort to mask this commercialization, the donor kin areencouraged to see the transplanted organs of their loved ones as continuing to live in the bodies ofunknown recipients, a life after death, so to speak. The donated organs are seen as a “gift of life,”and transplant personnel use various strategies to accomplish the “veiling of procurement” (Sharp2001: 118). The identity and life history of the donor are always kept secret, as well as the circumstancesof his or her death, violent or otherwise. The message of the transplant professionals is “agreening of the body, a form of ‘semantic message’ that foregrounds the goodness associated withdonation while simultaneously denying transplantation’s more disturbing reliance on death andSYMBOLIC MEANINGS
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